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Editorial Reviews. Review. The book is well researched and the author has argued his case in Jinnah - site edition by Jaswant Singh. Download it once and. Request PDF on ResearchGate | On Dec 1, , Moss Roberts and others published Jaswant Singh. Jinnah: India, Partition, Independence. (Oxford, ). Jaswant Singh's informative and well-told biography of Muhammad Ali Jinnah sheds much light on modern India, and also furthers understanding of other.

This trend further weakened the already led cross-communal alliances. The aim of the society was the promulgation of theistic worship icial reform. Raja Ram Mohan Roy founded an organisation called no Samaj'. Roy is known as the 'father dern India'. Prarthana Samaj 'Prayer Society' in Sanskirt. For the Muslims of Bengal. It is organised by a community for social reconstruction. In the final analysis it was more the fact rather than any prospects of a partitioning of Bengal that crystallised Muslim opinion against an antiPartition agitation launched by the Hindus.

In historical terms this division of Bengal and then a joining of the separated East Bengal with Assam. This was largely a consequence of a stir amongst Hindus of rural Bengal. Bengal and Central Provinces and included the Bombay Presidency. Political activism. Then again. As you sow so shall you reap. But about that. Almost unavoidably. As purely sentimental appeals were iffectual to excite sufficient popular sympathy. Eastern ngal. Let us pause in that fateful year of This eventually brought the islims of East Bengal politically nearer to their co-religionists in North iia.

Limited Lies like Minto's acceptance of Fuller's resignation56 in August That is why any Hindu led. Once this new. It is in consequence of all these tations that the famous Simla Deputation to Lord Minto was organised As more and more Muslims were drawn to the movement. The British did just that. These young came largely from the United Provinces. To win. It is this alarm that probably accounts for Wiqar-ul-Mulk's63 abortive efforts. This young element drawn mostly from lawyers and professionals.

These apprehensions were greatly sharpened by a rise of the nationalist movement in mids. The second one held in Calcutta the following year was attended by This was at the beginning of the twentieth century.

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It was attended by only two Muslims. The first session of the INC was held at Bombay in Lord Morley. Syed Mohammed Zauqi. In a letter to Jinnah. You are aware that the Mohammedans already feel a little disappointed. In a letter dated 11 May to Lord Minto. Muhsin al-Mulk. They say that the existing rules confer no rights on Mohammedans.

Zauqi recalled those events and encounters which had led to the establishment of the Muslim party and also on the origins of the Simla Deputation.

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If the new rules. It is very much talked of among the Mohammedans of India and is commonly believed to be a great success achieved by the National Congress. This is placed in the Appendix. In this a rather detailed. I have got several letters drawing attention particularly to the new proposal of elected representatives in the Legislative Councils. Zauqi describes his encounters with Muslim leaders. But interestingly an angle existed to this princely observation.

There it is.. Zauqi's story apart. An address was then presented to the viceroy. The address proposed that a 'fixed proportion of Muslims. This finally happened on 1 October On 10 August. In which case. And indisputably this rejection of personal enfranchisement and acceptance of the device of reservation.

He welcomed 'the representative character of the deputation for expressing the views and aspirations of the enlightened Muslim community of India'. Did the British do no more than simply acknowledge what already existed? Or did they. Or was it more a consequence of the existing situation than any cause of separateness? There are.

But there is another. It has been given out in the papers including your paper that a representative deputation of Mahomadans of India is going to wait upon the Viceroy on the 1st October. I know of no meeting of the Mahomadan community that appointed these worthies to represent Bombay. Jinnah's letter had earlier been addressed to The Times of India but for some reason. Then another thing is this: May I know what is the object of the deputation?

Nobody upto now knows what the deputation proposes to do. Gopal Krishna Gokhale and their group included Tilak. Referring to the death of Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk. This Simla Deputation did not amuse Jinnah at all. His letter. Gujarati a newspaper of Bombay.

By this time. Is this the way to speak in the name of millions without even informing them what is going to be done for them.

Jinnah had been a Congressman of the Pherozeshah Mehta group. May I know who ever elected the gentlemen who are supposed to represent Bombay? It is such a pity that some people are always assuming the role of representatives without the smallest shadow of ground or foundation for it. Lord Chelmsford. That evening Lady Minto received a letter from an official name not disclosed which ran: T must send Your Excellency a line to say that a very big thing has happened today.

This device of the communal electorates served its purpose so well.. It is nothing less than the pulling back of 62 millions of people from joining the ranks of the seditious opposition.

Jinnah India-partition Independence By Jaswant Singh

The authors of the Montford scheme of Reforms then add: Some aspects. Of all the British officials it was only Harcourt Butler. We regard any system of communal electorates. Lord Olivier. But it would be a calamity if they were to drive. It remained to Harcourt Butler who alone continued to caution for he knew 'that the seed of Muslim political organization needed the sun of British favour to grow.

Butler had assertively opposed any demand for separate electorates. Their aspirations are perfectly natural.. British officials continued to assure Minto that this Simla Deputation was 'truly representative of the Muslims' and warned against the 'great threat to the stability of British rule that would arise should there be any Muslim discontent'. Inherent in all this was an underlying assumption. When Mr. Gandhi with a smile. Through this the 'Government of India amplified that call for help from conservative Muslims into an alarm siren'.

All this finally resulted in the passage of the Indian Councils Act. Countess of Minto. Was this deputation the outcome then of a marriage of: Had it not been for the separate electorates then established we should have settled our differences by now.

Gandhi attended the Round-Table Conference in London. Butler held that anti-Hindu feeling was about the only common platform' 80 on which the Muslims had gathered at Lucknow to draft the Simla address. Minto was fearful of Muslim disaffection.

Minto was then quick to join with Morley in reminding them of their client status. Dunlop Smith suggested that the viceroy ought to inform the Hindu Sabha that 'any government fit to rule the country for a day must take into account the differences in religions which exist'. Replying to an address by the Hindu Sabha of Lahore against separate electorates. Hindus were. He passed Harcourt Butler's views on to Morley 'that at heart many Muslims were against the British government in India.

And yet another step had got engraved on the memory templates of those times. To paper over. Though most members of the Simla Deputation found representation on the provisional committee of the League. Twenty-five members of the fifty-five strong Provisional Committee declined to support the loyalist line favoured by the landlords and government pensioners.

It was essentially the self-appointed. It was in these circumstances that Muslims. Nawab Salimullah of Dacca. It ought thereafter to have been abundantly clear what the Imperial intent was. This young lawyer element of UP. On 30 December Inevitable and convenient. The concluding opinion came from Morley with his well-known declaration in the House of Lords on 17 December As an early forerunner of things to come Muslims from the United Provinces were even then not prepared to yield to the Muslims of Bengal.

Such of its elements as were elected to the enlarged Legislative Councils. Minto had specifically refused to accept the League as the sole representative Muslim body. This was clearly not the time for any such initiative. In the agitation of The most dramatic revelation of the League's political limitations was its incapacity to even protest effectively against a British decision. Writing to the then lieutenant-governor of United Provinces. As is only normal.

At this stage. Going back. It is a very long distance. By conceding separate electorates. Choudhry Khaliquzzaman recalled how the League lived merely on paper during the Khilafat days. What an enchanting world of the ashraf that must have been. This younger lot had votes as graduates. It is a totally different matter that with time the British awakened to the fact that the writing of the script for that role had got snatched out of their. The proceedings of the League. They merely attended the annual sessions and received praise from their equally honourable hosts for having undertaken such a tedious journey at 'great inconvenience to themselves.

It is here that Mohammed Ali Jinnah arrived to etch his own. In succeeding chapters. The Muslims of the Simla Deputation had sought more the certainty of their own co-option.

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Those Muslims who had organised the Simla Deputation and who. Is it this last that was the quest? The possibility of any political or ideological independence from the British. These events. So many millions were then uprooted and death and vengeance stalked this ancient land of India.

A bitter and ironic thought strikes us here. Was Jinnah's search actually for regaining some at least of the glitter of that lost past. We attempt to answer these questions.

Sindh I n the preceding chapter we journeyed with Islam's growth in India. Through the grinding passage of time. When Mohammed Ali Jinnah entered the Indian political scene. Britain was a very long way away. The trading British had brought with them the very same freebooting spirit and attributes of dare-devilry that the early Muslim invaders had come endowed with. Then the Muslim spirit had been to either conquer or to perish.

The Imperial British were being urged to yield political space to the natives. It was the turn of the century.

Queen Victoria reigned majestically supreme. Gujarat has also by then had several Muslim governors. They all lie within a radius of roughly two hundred miles.

Now spare a moment for the accompanying. Islam has. Tucked below the Great Rann of Kutch. Great Britain was at the height of its imperial glory. That was Mohammed Ali Jinnah. The cataclysms of Oudh. As for the Muslims. Mohandas was Karamchandji's fourth offspring. Kathiawar is the land where Krishna breathed his last.

Patan then provided the port through which the annual Haj pilgrimages. In this land is also Porbander from where Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi's family originally came. This was the first step. Some fifty-odd miles to the south-west of Rajkot lies the village of Paneli. Jenabhai and a daughter Maanbai had always lived in Paneli. Jenabhai moved to Karachi.

In Karachi he ventured into trade. Poonjabhai earned his living working handlooms. The next. In Paneli lived a family of Khoja Muslims2. This proved to be the turning point in Jenabhai's fortunes and of immense advantage to his entire family and. The youngest of Poonjabhai's sons. And here fortuitous trading circumstances brought Jenabhai in contact with Frederick Leigh-Croft. Like many others of his ilk.

It was then part of a small Kathiawari principality by the name of Gondal. In Karachi. It was considered appropriate. She was eleven to his sixteen. He left for London in the first week of November As is customary Jenabhai the father decided upon the name.

Mohammed Ali was. As was then customary. Mohammed Ali's head was then shaved ceremoniously. When he was nine. In Kathiawar most of the male members of Poonjabhai's family had names strikingly similar to those of the Hindus.

Mohammed Ali was put in a primary school. For the ceremony of Aqiqah'4. Karachi was different. Mohammed Ali's primary education was not formal. Before leaving for London. A court judgment in one of the pending cases. Mohammed Ali was sent to London. For the parents this opportunity was too good to decline. Croft had assured an apprenticeship in London to young Mohammed Ali. As knowledge of law helped in this business. In January This then compelled Jenabhai to move again. Dadabhai Naoroji now arrived in Jinnah's life.

He was on a paid assignment. Very little is known of young Mohammed Ali's early experiences in England. He was there to advise and guide them in their.

After his son's departure Jenabhai declared himself insolvent. An apocryphal story informs us that he chose this particular Inn because on one of the New Hall's main entrances he saw a fresco depicting the image of Prophet Mohammad among the group of lawgivers of the world. Jinnah in England In London. Under such circumstances. Jinnah regularly attended the proceedings of the House of Commons as a visitor. Jinnah could not participate as in July he was still in Karachi.

If Dadabhoy was black. T want to be in London and enter Parliament where I hope to wield some influence. I have always been a hero worshipper. The two together rendered yeoman service to the Indian National Congress in the early years of its existence. I felt a new thrill within me'. Fatima Jinnah. I worked for the Old Man Dadabhai with a vengeance. However thin the majority. Indian students having then enthusiastically campaigned for him. Jinnah remained a devout friend of the 'Old Man.

I was furious. As I sat in the galleries. Jinnah developed great respect and admiration for Dadabhai Naoroji. From that day I have been an uncompromising enemy of all forms of colour bar. As in the following year regulations were being changed.

I was blacker. There I shall meet British statesmen on a footing of equality. To gain even rudimentary acquaintanceship with the language required at least two years. English history and Latin. The third.

For this he was required to appear in three papers: English language. But there did exist a rule whereby Indians could be exempt from the Latin paper if the Masters cZl: But clearly it points us to an evolution of the personality of the future Quaid-eAzam. The examination was held on 25 May Jinnah applied for this exemption. Any social psychologist would no doubt read much into these alterations.

The Masters. There was also a transition in the way that Jinnah had not just changed his name but also kept altering the spelling of his name: It travelled from being Mohomedalli Jinnahbhai. This is not a small point. And it is also here that he dropped the by now superfluous.

He now became what he was to remain for the rest of his life: These changes being denotive.

Jinnah was through. I walked most of the time. It was to Bombay that he came and while he had been away from India his child bride Emi Bai had died.

Completing his studies in England. Life then for him was not easy. As Syed Pirzada has said in a film. At first Jinnah moved into the Railway Hotel near the high court and waited for clients. It was a famous hotel in those. As you would know. There is always room at the top but there is no lift. Bombay thus became his home for the next fifty-one years. Jinnah returned to India in but it was not to Karachi.

Jinnah was to later say. The solitary reminder of its existence now is just a 'W on its railing. He was enrolled in the high court of judicature in Bombay on 24 August , and soon thereafter was sworn in as an advocate OS.

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was then just twenty; his great legal and political career stretched ahead of him. Notwithstanding the early difficulties that he faced, the timing of Jinnah's return to India was fortuitous, for his father was then involved in serious litigations at the district courts at Karachi.

Jinnah took it upon himself to conduct the cross-examinations and prepare their defence. He won the case for his father. Thereafter he was admitted to the chambers of John Molesworth Macpherson, then the acting advocate-general of Bombay. In the words of Sarojini Naidu, this was 'a courteous concession, the first of its kind ever extended to an Indian, which its recipient always remembered as a beacon of hope in the dark distress of his early struggles'.

His language and diction were perfect. During this apprenticeship, Jinnah gained a forensic foundation; but, except for occasional briefs, he made little headway up the ladder of his profession'. Following this appointment, a news item, filled with parochial pride had appeared in the Sind Gazettee, a Karachi daily, on 10 May lauding the achievement in these words: He is the son of Mr. Jenabhai, who is one of the old sic and most respected merchants of Karachi.

Mohamed Ali Jinnah passed the Bar examination when he was quite young, and was, on his return, enrolled as an Advocate of the Bombay High Court'. Jinnah, at this time, was only twenty-four years old. Jinnah's great dedication and interest in law was marked by irreproachable integrity. He was for sometime in the Chambers of Sir George Lowndes, who later became the law member of the Viceroy's Executive Council, and later still a member of the Privy Council.

When Jinnah was reading in his Chamber, Lowndes' opinion was sought about some speech that Tilak had delivered. There was going to be a conference on this prior to which Lowndes asked of Jinnah "whether he had read the brief, and what he thought of it".

Jinnah responded that "he had not touched the brief, and would not look at it, as he wanted to keep himself free to criticise the Government for prosecuting a great patriot like Tilak'". After being interrupted during a hearing thrice by the judge who said 'rubbish' on each occasion, Jinnah said, 'Nothing but rubbish has passed from Your Lordship's mouth throughout the day.

To achieve this in the company of eminent lawyers of those times was a testimonial to his abilities as an advocate, to his determination and his character. The Khojas, it is recognised are converts from the Hindu Lohana15 caste.

Khojas, given their beliefs and religious practices do not easily fit any stereotype. Bernard Lewis, in a comment has described them as 'Hindus under a thin Muslim veneer'.

Sarojini Naidu in , must have linked Jinnah's liberal personality trait to his Khoja ancestry when she said, 'That Jinnah was Hindu by race and Muslim by religion - it may not be wholly idle to fancy something a little symbolic in the Khoja parentage of a child destined to become "an ambassador of HinduMuslim unity"'. They have their bases principally in Surat, Bharuch, Ahmedabad, Karachi and Bombay, all strung along the western edge or coast of India. It is from these bases that they controlled a considerable part of the Bombay Presidency's internal trade, plus lucrative external trade with East Africa and Mauritius, also trade within Bombay city.

In terms of English language education, however, they remain not particularly advanced. This was then not any debilitating backwardness, for in their own language - Gujarati - they remain as well versed as the most advanced of Hindus, besides as a community they chose not to be burdened by this education in English, having little need for it. Being a predominantly trading community, they managed and continue to do so, admirably, in their own language - Gujarati. Also obtaining a government job or post was still is for them, no criteria of success.

Their spiritual head is the Aga Khan, though Jinnah never really acknowledged him as such. Preoccupation with trade and industry naturally affected their political outlook. At a time when competition for government service was a source of communal assertiveness, the Khojas, as a relatively self-contained and prosperous community, were little affected by this virus. This has always remained their attribute, and in contrast to a majority of their co-religionists, the Khojas are not given to combative Muslimness.

Moreover, as members of the commercial world of Bombay they had. Jinnah, though, was an exception to all these generalisations. He had not the trader's instincts of conciliation, accommodation or pursuit of profit, not at all. He was by nature determined and combative. His nationalism was not born of any self-interest; it was a by-product of his free spirited nature, his exposure to England, his thriving legal practice, which he had earned on his own merit.

He was largely a self-educated, a self-made man, anxious as a youth that his merit should gain recognition and be duly rewarded. He had not the assets of birth, lineage or social status that most other barristers of his time came equipped with. Having been exposed to English mores he resented greatly the double standards practised by them, one set in their own country and another, a markedly different one for, and in, India.

Like so many others who had been through the Inns of Court, Jinnah upon return became committed to 'the eradication of British insolence on the one hand, and of a feeling of inferiority and mortification by the Indians, on the other'.

Zealous for reform, his enthusiasm was always marked by his sense of constitutional propriety, for which characteristic his great legal practice was to account. He was typical of those who earned influence through their own efforts, on merit and by remaining committed to principles.

Possessing no other tools he employed these very attributes and his principles to combat India's imperial overlords. Jinnah's early training as a lawyer no doubt affected his attitude to relations between the Muslim community and the government.

Jinnah: India-Partition-Independence

Having reached where he had despite personal and family difficulties, he believed that others, too, must seek no special treatment, in the field of education or elsewhere. When he appeared before the Public Services Commission on 11 March , he was asked by Lord Islington19 whether he was not concerned that under a system of simultaneous examinations the backward communities would be at a disadvantage?

Jinnah was firm in his. Do you think that a Hindu who got a few more marks than an educated and influential Mohammedan would make a better and more efficient administrator when he was in charge of a population which was largely Mohammedan?

I do not see why a Hindu should not be in charge of a district where the majority happens to be Mohammedan. Whether holding the balance between Swaraj and government forces in the Assemblies of the midtwenties, or facing contumacious resistance in the all-parties discussions, or pursuing a lonely course against the prestige and authority of Gandhi, the determination of an imperial government immersed in a world war, or standing firm against the pressures of the post-war negotiations Jinnah was not found wanting in courage'.

For many years, including the time of his marriage, Jinnah had lived in an old Goanese bungalow, on Mount Pleasant Road. After Ruttie's death in , he continued to live there until he went to England in Upon return in , he demolished the old Goanese bungalow md built the present, Jinnah House. During the two years of its being juilt, he lived in a rented home on Little Gibbs Road, a little higher up Vlalabar Hill.

These years were an 'amalgam of loneliness, mental and noral celibacy', and an 'integrity, so intense that it was a form of self-orture'.

His virtues were intense, his faults trivial in contrast. He then joined the Anjuman-i-Islam 21, a prominent representative Muslim body, in This was fortuitous because this greatly helped Jinnah in both his public and legal career, especially when it came to guidance about the role of Muslims in the Congress. Having presided over the Congress in , Tyabji had then immediately come under pressure from Sayyid Ahmad Khan, who asked him to stay away, to distance himself from this body as in Sayyid Ahmad's opinion the 'Congress was not an organisation that helped the Muslim cause'.

Tyabji had then asked for a prorogation of the Congress for at least five years in view of the Muslim sentiments, and he did not attend Congress sessions thereafter. Jinnah came close to Tyabji in the initial years of his involvement with Anjuman-i-Islam, at a time when he had already been close to Dadabhai Naoroji, a Congressman and a Parsi.

Besides, Congress politics in Bombay, in those years were dominated by the Parsis, and names like Pherozeshah Mehta, Dinshaw Wacha and others were then the identifying personalities of the party in that city. Singh, Ajoy I. Rathore, Jaswant, India Priority 0. India found that his recently published book, Jinnah - India, Partition, Independence,.. August 2. Co, 2. The British employed the tactic of divide and rule..

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Images Staff. Political will is required to persevere and bring maturity to public-private partnerships. Faizaan Qayyum. The clamour for invasive surveillance technologies like CCTV cameras should be checked and discussed by citizens.

Arslan Zaidi. The admission process required attested photocopies of every document on planet earth. Zarrar Khuhro. It is not enough to impose and enforce a ban without looking for alternatives.

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That was Mohammed Ali Jinnah. I was blacker. Sulaima and Raja Dahir's son retrieved most of his kingdom. He was for sometime in the Chambers of Sir George Lowndes, who later became the law member of the Viceroy's Executive Council, and later still a member of the Privy Council.

Through the grinding passage of time. Appendices to Chapter 2 Appendix I: